Pandemi Covid-19 dan Siklus Ekonomi
Pada 17 Maret, A. Prasetyantoko menulis tentang Pandemi Covid-19 yang sedang terjadi dan dampaknya terhadap siklus ekonomi. Selengkapnya dapat dibaca di https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2020/03/17/pandemi-dan-siklus-ekonomi/ atau, dapat dilihat dibawah ini.
Book Review, Power and Knowledge in Southeast Asia: State and Scholars in Indonesia and The Philippines
This book analyzes comparatively the dynamics of the state-scholar relations during the Marcos and Suharto years in the Philippines and Indonesia as evident in two official history-writing projects: Marcos‘s Tadhana project and Suharto regime‘s Sejarah Nasional Indonesia (SNI). This book argues that the participation of scholars in these projects merely formalizes and renders explicit the transactional encounters happening on daily basis between knowledge of any ideological disposition, type or level of accuracy, on the one hand, and their respective consumers, on the other. Organizers: Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy, AIFIS (American Institute for Indonesian Studies) dan CSEASI (Center for Southeast Asian Studies-Indonesia) Event details: 1. Rommel A. Curaming, Ph.D (Universiti Brunei Darussalam) 2. Discussant: Yosef Djakababa Ph.D (AIFIS Country Representative 3. Moderator: Yoes Chandra Kenawas (IPP Research Fellow, Ph.D Candidate, Northwestern University, U.S.A.) Location: Yustinus Building 14th fl -1408 Semanggi Campus, Atma Jaya University Date : Monday, 9 December 2019 Time : 16.00-18.00 WIB Online registration: tiny.cc/powerandknowledge
Political Corruption & Sophistication, Voting & Its Relation w/ Gov. Policy ft. IPP Unika Atma Jaya
13/11/2019 A few weeks ago, a polemic rose in the society regarding the new Law of KPK. The new Law contains a controversial article regarding the formation of a new board of trustees to oversee the KPK‘s works, including monitoring the tapping mechanism. Civil societies rejected this article because it will jeopardize the KPK impartiality in carrying out its duties. Corruption Indonesia is indeed a perennial and complicated problem for the country. What are the causes of corruption? Why does corruption persist? How can corruption affect public policies? Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy Brownbag Discussion aims to answer these questions. In the upcoming Brownbag Discussion, Professor Mathew Winters of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (IL, USA) will present his research on corruption. He will provide some insights into the effect of corruption on a country‘s public policies. Event details: 1. Matthew Winters – Associate Professor of Politics, the Department of Political Science, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 2. Indro Adinugroho – Research fellow at IPP Atma Jaya (Moderator) Location: Gedung Yustinus Lantai 14-1408 Semanggi Campus, Atma Jaya University Date : Wednesday, 27 November 2019 Time : 13.00-15.00 WIB Online registration: http://bit.ly/BrownbagMatthewWinters
Ruang Tengah Edisi 3: Kebebasan Berpendapat: Apakah Tingkat Kebebasan Berpendapat di Indonesia Sedang Terancam
31/10/2019 Jakarta – 30 Oktober 2019. Bekerjasama dengan Think Policy Society dan Asumsi, IPP Atma Jaya mengangkat isu tentang Kebebasan Berpendapat. Hal ini dilatarbelakangi oleh kejadian dua bulan menjelang berakhirnya periode kepemimpinan Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla, masyarakat dibuat gaduh dengan adanya RUU yang tiba-tiba direncanakan akan disahkan para anggota legislatif bekerja sama dengan lembaga eksekutif. Ada beberapa RUU yang menimbulkan kontroversi, seperti: RUU KPK, RKUHP, RUU Ketenagakerjaan, RUU Pertahanan, RUU Ketahanan dan Keamanan Siber, dan lainnya. Malahan, RUU KPK terlanjur lolos disahkan dan sudah mulai berlaku sejak 17 Oktober 2019. Kembali pada September 2019, masyarakat akhirnya turun ke jalan dan bertamu ke Gedung DPR/MPR di Senayan, Jakarta. Salah satu catatan penting terjadi ketika mahasiswa turun ke jalan pada 24 September 2019. Kembali pada September 2019, masyarakat akhirnya turun ke jalan dan bertamu ke Gedung DPR/MPR di Senayan, Jakarta. Salah satu catatan penting terjadi ketika mahasiswa turun ke jalan pada 24 September 2019. Mereka tidak sendirian sebab ada beberapa elemen masyarakat yang turut turun ke jalan bersama. Misalnya, para buruh, aktivis HAM, dan lapisan masyarakat lainnya. Aksi mahasiswa juga terjadi di beberapa daerah lain di luar Jakarta, seperti di Yogyakarta, Medan, Bandung, dan daerah-daerah lain. Rekaman acara ini nantinya akan dapat diakses di kanal youtube Asumsi, dalam episode Pangeran Mingguan Edisi November.
Pemanfaatan Data untuk Merumuskan Kebijakan Publik di Bidang Kesehatan
7/10/2019 Jakarta – 18 September 2019. Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy menyelenggarakan Brownbag Discussion: Special Edition, membahas mengenai penggunaan data dalam penyusunan kebijakan khususnya di bidang kesehatan. Diskusi tersebut dipandu oleh Yunisa Astiarani dari Departemen Ilmu Kesehatan Masyarakat Unika Atma Jaya, dan menghadirkan tiga pembicara yaitu: Ketiga pembicara sepakat bahwa data sangat penting dalam perumusan kebijakan. Ibu Nafsiah Mboi banyak memaparkan berbagai contoh data kesehatan di Indonesia, “Ada peningkatan angka harapan hidup secara nasional di Indonesia, meskipun masih di bawah angka global. Tetapi ketimpangan antar daerah jelas terjadi. Kemudian salah satu data menarik yang menjadi dasar kebijakan, dari tahun 2013 ke 2018, ada peningkatan perokok anak-anak dari 7% menjadi 9%, sedangkan perokok perempuan meningkat tiga kali lipat.” Beliau kemudian melempar, “Dengan data ini, jika Anda sebagai pemangku kebijakan, apa yang akan Anda lakukan? Kebijakan apa yang akan Anda buat?” Ibu Nafsiah kemudian melanjutkan, “Data tidak boleh hanya untuk policy, tetapi juga dipakai dalam proses dari policy to action. Penting sekali action itu kemudian dievaluasi, dimonitor, dan penelitian. Hasilnya kemudian berupa data yang dapat dianalisis untuk dibuat policy lagi, menjadi lingkaran yang terus berjalan.” Pernyataan tersebut sejalan dengan paparan Raj, “Hanya data sendiri tidak akan banyak gunannya. Dalam beberapa kesempatan, kita tidak memiliki informasi yang dibutuhkan untuk membuat keputusan. Di sinilah kita menggunakan ekspertise klinis masing-masing. Kedokteran berbasis bukti zaman sekarang tidak melulu berdasar pada bukti, tetapi dari tiga poin yang saling berkaitan satu sama lain yaitu bukti, ekspertise klinis, dan preferensi pasien.” Direktur Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy, Edbert Gani setuju dengan pendapat para pembicara, “Pemanfaatan data dalam kebijakan kesehatan sangat penting. Untuk itu tata kelola data yang baik adalah awal yang harus dilakukan.” Meskipun demikian, Beliau juga tidak memungkiri bahwa ada faktor-faktor lain yang memengaruhi perumusan kebijakan: “Memang dalam membaca data kesehatan juga akan dipengaruhi oleh pertimbangan politik, ekonomi dan sosial. Tapi pertimbangan tersebut memerlukan data yang kongkret agar fokus keberpihakan bisa dilakukan.” Selain membicarakan mengenai data, isi dari kebijakan itu sendiri juga penting, “Tetapi dalam merumuskan kebijakan, kita juga harus ingat, kesehatan tidak hanya terdiri dari masalah kesehatan, tetapi juga berhubungan dengan produktivitas,” ujar Ibu Nafsiah Mboi.
Energi Alternatif Jangan Diabaikan
Penulis: Muhammad Nusyamsyi Editor: Fuji Pratiwi JAKARTA — Asosiasi Perusahaan Compressed Natural Gas Indonesia (APCNGI) prihatin terhadap kondisi udara ibu kota negara. Karena itu, APCNGI menyarankan agar penggunaan energi alternatif yang ramah lingkungan tidak diabaikan. Berdasarkan aplikasi air visual dengan air quality Index atau indeks kualitas udara, wilayah DKI Jakarta pada beberapa minggu terakhir berada di level rata-rata di atas 150 yang mana masuk dalam kategori tidak sehat, bahkan sempat menduduki peringkat nomor satu kota terpolusi dunia. Ketua umum APCNGI Robbi R Sukardi mengatakan, sudah hampir satu decade APCNGI mendorong pemerintah dan para pemangku kepentingan lainnya mengupayakan pemanfaatan bahan bakar gas (BBG) untuk kendaraan. BBG dinilai merupakan bahan bakar ramah lingkungan. “Namun, belakangan ini, BBG seakan mulai diabaikan.” ujar Robbi saat media briefing yang digelar APCNGI bersarna Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy (AJIPP) dan Fakultas Ekonomi dan Bisnis Unika Atma Jaya saat menyoroti permasalahan polusi udara di DKI Jakarta di Unika Atma Jaya, Jakarta, Senin (5/8). Robbi mencontohkan, bus Transjakarta (TJ) menggunakan bahan bakar minyak (BBM) jenis diesel solar yang diklaim telah memenuhi standar Euro4. Namun, kenyataannya TJ tidak menggunakan BBM diesel solar nonsnhsidi, seperti Pertamina Dex High Quality yang memiliki batas ambang sulfur di 50 ppm atau setara yang dapat memenuhi standar Euro-4 tersebut. “Salah satu penvumbang polusi udara terbesar adalah gas buang kendaraan bermesin diesel yang masih mengacu ke standar Euro-2 di Indonesia,” kata Robbi. Oleh karena itu, kata Robbi, BBG perlu tetap dijadikan salah satu langkah yang cepat dalam mengurangi polusi udara untuk saat ini. Hal ini sembari mempersiapkan energi alternatif rang lain, seperti kendaraan listrik, bahkan kendaraan berbahan bakar hidrogen yang masih membutuhkan waktu lagi. “BBG dan energi alternatif lainnya seharusnya berjalan beriringan,” ujar Robbi. Sekretaris Jenderal APCNGI Edhit A Hidayat mengatakan, saat ini di wilayah DKI Jakarta terdapat 23 lokasi pengisian BBG yang beroperasi, tujuh stasiun pengisian bahan bakar gas (SPBG) dalam perbaikan dan/atau belum dioperasikan, dan delapan SPBG yang masih dalam tahap perencanaan. “Meskipun jumlah infrastruktur pengisian BBG baik yang dibangun BUMN dan swasta telah tersedia, dari informasi yang APCNGI peroleh, utilisasi atau volume penjualan ke kendaraan berada di level rata-rata di bawah 30 persen secara keseluruhan,” ujar Edhit. Selain utilisasi yang masih rendah, kata Edhit, pemerintah pusat perlu segera menyelesaikan masalah ketetapan keekonomian dari usaha SPBG yang wajar. Hal itu guna mendorong lebih banyak peran swasta dalam menyedialcan infrastruktur SPBG. Kendaraan pengguna BBG yang merupakan salah satu solusi tersebut selayaknya dipertahankan dan dilaksanakan secara simultan. “Sambil juga pengembangan alternatif energi ramah lingkungan lainnya. bukan malah diabaikan. bahkan untuk dilupakan,” kata Edhit. Dekan Fakultas Ekonomi dan Bisnis Unika Atma Java Irenius Dwinanto Bimo mengatakan, peran pemerintah tidak hanya sebatas keluarnya regulasi. Menurut Bimo, saat ini sudah banyak regulasi yang dikeluarkan pemerintah. tapi tidak efektif berjalan. AJIPP berpendapat, semua pengembangan kendaraan-kendaraan berbasis bahan bakar ramah lingkungan sangat baik bagi masyarakat. Karena itu, harus didukung segenap pelaku industri otomotif, masyarakat, dan pemerintah. “Tetap perlu pemikiran logis agar pencapaian tujuan supaya polusi udara dapat ditangani secara cepat, optimal, dan efektif.” kata Bimo. Artikel ini diterbitkan di koran Republika edisi Selasa, 6 Agustus 2019
Partisipasi Masyarakat Tinggi Mengawal Suara
3/6/2019 Jakarta, 29 Mei 2019 – Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy (AJIPP) menyelenggarakan brownbag discussion membahas mengenai penerapan teknologi dalam pelaksanaan dan pengawasan pemilu. “Saat ini media banyak membahas mengenai dinamika politik pemilu, jarang yang membahas mengenai teknologi dalam pemilu. Padahal saat ini kita sedang mengalami revolusi industri 4.0, sehingga topik ini sangat penting untuk didiskusikan,” papar Edbert Gani Suryahudaya, direktur AJIPP. Diskusi tersebut mengundang Elina Ciptadi, salah satu co-founder dari kawalpemilu.org, dan Surya Tjandra, seorang dosen Fakultas Hukum Unika Atma Jaya dan juga politisi PSI. Kawalpemilu.org merupakan situs pengawasan penghitungan pemilu yang dikelola oleh masyarakat awam dan mengandalkan data berupa foto lembar C1 yang diambil oleh relawan. “Yang unik dari Indonesia adalah proses hitung suara pemilu di awal. Ketika suara pemilu sedang dihitung di masing-masing TPS, disaksikan oleh masyarakat dan ditentukan sah atau tidak juga bersama-sama. Ini menarik, menjadikan penghitungan suara pemilu milik bersama,” papar Elina Ciptadi. “Saat ini kita menunggu sebulan untuk mengetahui hasil pemilu. Bayangkan jika proses penghitungan setelah TPS, pelaporan, tabulasi, dan rekapitulasi dilakukan secara otomatis dengan komputer. Berapa banyak sumber daya yang bisa kita hemat?” tantang Elina. Surya Tjandra kemudian memberikan suntikan diskusi menarik bahwa belum adanya dasar hukum yang kuat untuk penghitungan suara pemilu menggunakan teknologi. Adanya kawalpemilu menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat awam pun bisa mengawasi jalannya pemilu dengan memanfaatkan teknologi. Antusiasme masyarakat juga tinggi untuk ikut berpartisipasi. Dalam pemilu 2019, terdapat lebih dari 40.000 relawan, 750 moderator, dan 1,3 juta web visitor kawalpemilu. “Antusiasmenya tinggi, tapi tingkat literasi data di Indonesia masih rendah. Dalam beberapa kasus, ada masyarakat yang masih menanyakan kesimpulan hasil pemilu, padahal semua data sudah dipublikasikan di situs KPU dan kawalpemilu.” Literasi data menjadi hal yang sangat penting untuk diperhatikan dan merupakan tanggung jawab bersama. Surya kemudian menggarisbawahi salah satu hal yang perlu dipertimbangkan dalam pengawan pemilu, “Proses digitalisasi sangat baik. Ya artinya iya, tidak ya tidak. Tidak ada daerah abu-abu. Tetapi dalam pelaksanaan pemilu, ada pengaruh sentimen dalam pemilu yang tidak bisa ditangkap oleh teknologi. Sejak 2014, politik identitas lahir di Indonesia dan sangat mempengaruhi proses pemilu kita. Bagaimana cara mengawasi dan mengantisipasinya?” Untuk pemilu berikutnya, Elina menyatakan tidak ada rencana untuk memformalisasi kawalpemilu. “Personil kami memiliki pekerjaan lain selain dari kawalpemilu. Akan menjadi sulit pengelolaannya jika kawalpemilu dijadikan organisasi resmi. Selain itu, karena personil kami sukarela, semua kegiatan dilakukan dengan hati senang,” papar Elina. Untuk pemilu selanjutnya, Surya juga menyarankan diadakannya pengawasan proses pemilu lain selain penghitungan. Pengawasan pemilu memang belum sempurna. Terlepas dari berbagai perhatian tersebut, tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa kawalpemilu merupakan angin segar dalam pemanfaatan teknologi dalam pemilu Indonesia. Situs ini juga membuktikan bahwa masyarakat dapat berpartisipasi aktif dalam mengawasi proses demokrasi di Indonesia. Diskusi ini dapat diakses via: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Am4pd3tl-cs
Ringkasan Eksekutif Kajian Kesiapan Kaum Muda dan Pemerintah Menghadapi Bonus Demografi
Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy (AJIPP) telah mengadakan survei mengenai pandangan kaum muda khususnya milenial perkotaan mengenai bonus demografi. Menindaklanjuti survei tersebut, AJIPP menyelenggarakan brownbag discussion dengan mengundang empat politisi milenial dengan tema “Politisi Milenial Menjawab Tantangan Bonus Demografi”. Hasil kajian mengenai kesiapan kaum muda dan pemerintah menghadapi bonus demografi terangkum dalam sebuah ringkasan eksekutif yang dapat diunduh di sini: http://wwwprev.atmajaya.ac.id/filecontent/ipp-executivesummary.pdf
Director of AJIPP Talked about What to Expect After Election
What to expect after the election Edbert Gani Suryahudaya Jakarta Looking at the quick and real counts that are still progressing, the composition of legislative seats for the next five years is becoming clear. There will be no new party working in Senayan. The Hanura Party is the only party within the government coalition that is unlikely to get any seats. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) will keep its power as the biggest party, while NasDem will enjoy a significant increase of votes. However, the political dynamics in the legislature will be much different compared to 2014. When elected in 2014, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo did not have a majority in the House of Representatives. It took him over a year to reconfigure the balance of power among political parties and gather support to confidently start making policy decisions. Jokowi will most likely have a stronger grip on the House from the very start of his second term, thanks to his success in moving certain pivotal points among political actors beforehand. His coalition is likely to exceed 50 percent of the vote in the legislative election. The Legislative Institutions Law (MD3 Law) combined with the soon to be announced election result will provide his group large control over the seats of legislative speakers. With such strong support in the House, Jokowi has all the power he needs to further a progressive policy agenda. In consolidating his power, Golkar’s political maneuvers over the past three years have been particularly significant to Jokowi’s strategy. After having won the second largest share of votes in the 2014 election (14.75 percent) for the then-Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa ticket, Golkar transitioned into becoming a pivotal player for Jokowi’s coalition. While giving Jokowi additional power in the Cabinet, Golkar was also valuable in driving support for Jokowi in the 2019 election by leveraging its vast political network and campaign machine. Following several corruption cases involving party leaders such as Setya Novanto and Idrus Marham, Golkar was surprisingly able to maintain its position as one of the top three parties. Although there may be several different explanations for that, being in the government coalition is likely to be one of the more dominant factors. Jokowi and Airlangga Hartarto, the new Golkar chairman and industry minister, were often seen making public appearances together. Their closeness can be seen to have benefited both sides. Generally speaking, political support for Prabowo in 2014 that came from Golkar’s base has shifted to Jokowi, thus helping Jokowi’s national campaign team to cater to that portion of the electorate. This shows us that partnering with a player such as Golkar has been instrumental to the success of the 2019 election – Jokowi was able to leverage that partnership to attain his second term. So what can we expect from the other parties if we expect neither Jokowi nor Prabowo to run in the next election? The PDI-P has shown us before that some success can be achieved by being part of the opposition for two straight terms. After having been in the opposition and achieving only the third largest share of votes in 2009, it followed up by winning the next two elections in a row. On the other hand, the Democratic Party, the biggest winner of the 2009 election and led by ex-president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, experienced a considerable fall in its share of votes in 2014. This is often thought to have been caused by the rampant corruption during the end of the Yudhoyono government. The Democrats eventually chose to abstain from Jokowi’s coalition in 2014, leading to an even smaller share of votes in the 2019 election. These two past examples should alert other parties to strategically choose their side, especially for those outside of Jokowi’s coalition. Whatever happens in the House, the demand of distribution of power in Jokowi’s next cabinet might become more contentious. Following the unexpectedly positive results from Golkar and NasDem, they would likely demand a larger allocation of strategic Cabinet positions. Additionally, the National Awakening Party (PKB) and United Development Party (PPP) are likely to demand the same thing, claiming the credit for Muslim votes. aThus President Jokowi has two main options open. With a strong hold on the House, this is his chance to concentrate fully on the policy agendas with the help of a Cabinet full of technocratic ministers. On the other hand, he also has the opportunity to consolidate his power by currying favor with the different political parties vying for strategic positions in his Cabinet. Unlike his first term in 2014, Jokowi no longer needs to take the latter option. There is much progress to be done if he prioritizes his policy agenda. Indonesians have much to gain if he does not get lured into playing a Game of Thrones. The writer, a graduate of the London School of Economics and Political Science, is the director of the Atma Jaya Institute of Public Policy. The views expressed are his own. This article was published on The Jakarta Post Newspaper, 16th of May 2019. The online version can be accessed here: https://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2019/05/16/what-to-expect-after-the-polls.html
AJIPP`s research fellow commented on the post election`s result announcement`s demonstration
24/5/2019 Protesters clash with police after Indonesian president’s reelection, leaving 6 dead JAKARTA, Indonesia — Six people were reported killed and hundreds injured Wednesday in violent protests over the reelection of President Joko Widodo, prompting authorities to restrict access to social media. Jakarta’s governor, Anies Baswedan, said he received information that six people died in the clashes, which were orchestrated by supporters of the losing candidate in April’s election, Prabowo Subianto, after the official results were announced. Indonesian police acknowledged fatalities and said they heard hospital reports of the six deaths, but they declined to confirm that number. Police said they were not responsible for the deaths. “There’s no way the state apparatus would kill the perpetrators,” said Indonesia’s security minister, Wiranto. Authorities said police were forbidden to use live ammunition against demonstrators. Police, however, used tear gas in central Jakarta amid scuffles between protesters and security forces. On Wednesday afternoon, Indonesia’s communication minister, Rudiantara, said access to social media would be restricted with immediate effect. The move made Indonesia the latest country to curb social media platforms after chaos and violence. “The limitations will be placed on the spreading of download and uploads photos and videos,” Rudiantara said. “Again, it’s temporary and in stages.” The restrictions appeared to apply primarily to the sharing of videos and photos over social media platforms such as Instagram and WhatsApp. Widodo, who was reelected president, said his country “will not tolerate anyone who interferes with our security and democratic processes.” The situation, he added, was under control. Thousands of protesters started had begun gathering in central Jakarta after an official vote count showed Widodo had won more than 55 percent of 154 million votes cast in the April election. This was his second win over Prabowo, a retired army lieutenant general who lost the presidential election to Widodo five years ago. With early results predicting a clear win for Widodo, his challenger alleged foul play in the voting despite a widespread consensus that the election had been largely well-run. On Tuesday, Prabowo continued to challenge the vote and vowed to take his case to the Constitutional Court. His supporters gathered Tuesday morning near the election supervisory agency in central Jakarta, where tensions have been running high since the election. Muslims are marking the holy month of Ramadan. After breaking their fast and attending evening prayers, more demonstrators appeared. Police said these protesters were violent, unlike earlier ones, and broke through security barriers protecting the election agency, throwing rocks and torching cars. Some threw molotov cocktails at a police dormitory, authorities said. Videos from Tuesday evening showed rioters throwing fireworks and pelting police with rocks. Police responded with tear gas and water cannons. “They were very brutal,” said Muhammad Iqbal, a spokesman for the Indonesian police. The protests were “by design,” he said, and “not spontaneous.” Local media reported hundreds of injuries and several fatalities, but Iqbal said police had yet to confirm a death toll. More than 40,000 police and army personnel were on duty to keep order in the city. Dedi Prasetyo, another spokesman for the national police, said more than 62 protesters were arrested. Among them were three people carrying guns on Tuesday who admitted they planned to use the firearms in demonstrations the next day, he said. Police also said rioters had smuggled rocks and fireworks into central Jakarta via ambulance overnight. Some demonstrators were caught with envelopes stuffed with cash, presumably to pay others to join them, police said. Authorities have characterized the demonstrations as orchestrated. The protests were organized by hard-line Islamic groups that have called for Prabowo’s supporters to come out in force to show their dissatisfaction with the results. The retired general had stoked nationalist and religious sentiment ahead of the vote, portraying himself as the only person capable of defending Islam in the majority-Muslim country. In recent days, police have arrested three pro-Prabowo activists on suspicions of treason, the Associated Press reported. Among them was a retired general and former commander of Indonesia’s special forces. Speaking Wednesday at a news conference — at the same time as the president — Prabowo seemed to imply that it was the police who had started the chaos. “We plead with the [state apparatus] not to hurt the people’s hearts, especially not to hit and shoot them,” he said. “If this happens again, we’re very worried that the tapestry of our nation will be broken and hard to fix.” Still, Widodo’s win and the smoothly run election mark the solidifying of democracy in Indonesia since the end of dictator Suharto’s rule in 1998. Indonesia and majority-Muslim Malaysia have both bucked regional trends, their democracies growing more resilient and entrenched as other countries in Southeast Asia slip further into authoritarian rule. “The reelection of Jokowi is worth applauding simply because it came via an electoral process untainted by executive interference,” said Lee Morgenbesser, an expert in Southeast Asian politics at Griffith University in Australia, using the president’s nickname. Morgenbesser, who studies elections under authoritarianism, noted that elections in countries including Cambodia and Thailand in recent years suffered from “severe problems of manipulation and misconduct.” “Given the long history of fraudulent elections in Southeast Asia, it is worth celebrating the rare moments when the will of the people is actually translated into a free and fair result,” he added. Widodo, a soft-spoken former furniture salesman, promised in a victory speech Tuesday to be a protector to all Indonesians. He swept the vote in areas with large religious minority populations, notably the island of Bali and the Christian-heavy region of Papua. In his campaign, he emphasized infrastructure development and anti-poverty projects. Widodo’s victory five years ago generated no mass protests in Jakarta.This week’s demonstrations reflect the increasing confidence of hard-line groups after a string of victories, said Yoes C. Kenawas, a research fellow at Atma Jaya University’s Institute of Public Policy. Those wins have included the removal of a popular Jakarta governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, in 2017 over a religious misstep.
